NSEERS

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NSEERS and ‘special registration’ are gone, but long-term effects continue

Last spring, Homeland Security announced that it was officially ending what was perhaps the most controversial immigration-national security program implemented in the immediate wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The National Security Entry-Exit Registration System, or NSEERS, focused on non-citizen men from 25 Muslim-majority countries with the goal of collecting their fingerprints, photographs, and monitoring their whereabouts. 

In the beginning, those who met the criteria had to participate in a “special registration” that required reporting to immigration officials for questioning, some having to travel long distances to do so. This provision was suspended in 2003 amid much public and political criticism. But of the 83,519 men interviewed under special registration between September 2002 and September 2003, according to Homeland Security statistics, 13,799 landed in deportation proceedings.

With the entire program now gone, NSEERS-related deportation cases that remain in the system have been the focus of renewed attention lately, especially as the Obama administration begins reviewing some 300,000 deportation cases to screen out “low-priority” immigrants who may qualify to stay. KPCC intern Yasmin Nouh highlights one of these:

Photo by fazen/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Hadi Syed Zaidi is an aspiring student of industrial design and one of nearly 84,000 registrants with the now-defunct National Security Exit and Entry Registration System, known as NSEERS.

Zaidi, who was born in Pakistan and arrived in the U.S. at age four, registered with NSEERS after his 16th birthday in early 2003. Like most registrants, he had no terrorist ties. But Zaidi and his family had overstayed their visas.

He, his father, and his older brother, all of whom registered, were placed in deportation proceedings. His father was eventually able to stay legally; his brother’s deportation order remains outstanding. Zaidi faced imminent removal until earlier this month, when he was released from detention with orders to check in regularly with immigration officials. Last week he was granted a temporary stay of removal, although he can still be taken into custody.

Zaidi’s case is not uncommon. According to DHS, out of the nearly 84,000 registrants with NSEERS, around 14,000 were ordered deported and almost 3,000 were detained. But though the program has since been terminated, deportation cases initiated under NSEERS remain open.

It’s typical for cases like Hadi’s to continue even if they were initiated under the NSEERS program, says Anoop Prasad, an immigration attorney at the Asian Law Caucus.

“There have been no steps to rescind the removal orders that were issued under NSEERS,” Prasad said. “The long-term effects are that you still have thousands and thousands who have either been deported or are facing bars. Once you’ve been ordered deported, it’s very difficult to gain status to live in the United States and so they’re left in a limbo status. They can’t work or marry a U.S. citizen or have children in the U.S.”

The long-defunct special registration provision of NSEERS “continues to cause fear in the Muslim community even a decade later,” Prasad said.

This was at the core of a report released last May by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund and New York University School of Law, which used case studies to illustrate the long-term effects of NSEERS, suggesting that Muslims continue to be targets of discriminatory immigration practices as a result of the program’s legacy. From the report:

Most of those charged with ordinary immigration violations and detained by ICE are provided a bond hearing and released after demonstrating that they are not a danger, threat to national security, or flight risk. However, lawyers report a recurring phenomenon in which Muslim non-citizens charged with minor immigration violations are detained in situations in which it is otherwise customary to release individuals.

Last June, the Obama administration welcomed what’s sometimes referred to as the Morton Memorandum, issued by John Morton, director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The memo allows immigration officials to cancel deportation proceedings for an undocumented immigrant classified as a “low priority” for removal. Some factors that qualify someone as low-priority are if he or she entered the U.S. at a young age, attended school in the U.S., has a history of military service, has immediate family living in the U.S. or is of the elderly or the ill.

Attorney Prasad says Zaidi meets the conditions outlined the memo. Zaidi’s mother, Aida Zaidi, says the family plans to reopen his appeal in hopes that he can stay permanently.

“He’s entitled to a green card,” Zaidi said of her son. “His grandmother is a U.S. citizen. His younger brother is a U.S. born citizen. The first cousin is a U.S. Marine. His youngest uncle is a U.S. Army veteran. My first cousin is in the U.S. Air Force. If they just did more background checking, they will see that we have far more ties here than in Pakistan.”

The end of NSEERS, one of the most contentious post-9/11 national security programs

Photo by Timothy Valentine/Flickr (Creative Commons)

The Migration Policy Institute has published a brief history and analysis of the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System, known as NSEERS, which was terminated in recent weeks by Homeland Security.

Implemented after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, it was one of the most controversial national security programs established during that time. The idea was to collect information, fingerprints, and photographs of certain individuals entering and living in the United States, and to monitor their whereabouts. Its primary focus was on men from Muslim-majority countries.

Most contested by its critics was a “special registration” provision that required non-citizens already present in the United States to report to immigration officials for questioning. While this portion of NSEERS was suspended at the end of 2003, the rest of the program remained in effect until its termination was announced at end of April. From the MPI paper:

In its recent announcement terminating the program, DHS cited the redundancy of the current manifestation of NSEERS, stating that, as a result of improved intelligence programs and better methods of tracking immigrant visa overstays, NSEERS was no longer needed to protect national security. And in reference to the program’s turbulent past and controversy over profiling based on nationality and religion, DHS stated that it will now “seek to identify individuals and actions that pose specific threats, rather than focusing on more general designations of groups of individuals, such as country of origin.”

In a striking coincidence, the announcement to terminate the NSEERS program came less than a week before the death of Osama bin Laden, the al Qaeda leader responsible for the 9/11 attacks. It’s unclear as to whether the program would have been terminated in the aftermath of his death, which has increased anxiety about terrorist retaliation against the United States.

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Immigration and the bin Laden effect: More on the changes since 9/11

A new stretch of border fence, February 2009. Photo by The Pope/Flickr (Creative Commons)

A post on Monday outlined a few of the direct and indirect ways in which the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks orchestrated by Osama bin Laden changed the nation’s immigration landscape. Legislative reaction to the attacks propelled legal and policy changes that led to tightened borders and beefed up immigration enforcement as national security took center stage. Among these changes was the creation of the Department of Homeland Security in early 2003.

In the days since, there have been other takes on immigration and the bin Laden effect. Today in a post in ColorLines, Seth Freed Wessler wrote about DHS’s National Security Entry-Exit Registration System, or NSEERS, a program whose recent end has been applauded by Muslim groups:

Muslims in the U.S. became the most ominous threat, by policy. The Department of Homeland Security created the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS), commonly called “Special Registration,” which functioned as a deportation net specifically for Muslims. As Colorlines’ Channing Kennedy wrote in April:

Initiated in September 2002, NSEERS functioned like Arizona’s SB 1070, with working-class Muslims as the target. Its first phase required all non-citizen male residents, ages 16 to 65, from a list of “suspect” nations, to register at INS offices. Thousands of families went out of their way to comply with the law, thinking it would be part of the government-sponsored pathways to citizenship that they were already participating in. Instead, in July 2003, the Washington Post reported it as the deportation of “the largest number of visitors from Middle Eastern and other Muslim countries in U.S. history—more than 13,000 of the nearly 83,000 men older than 16 who complied with the registration program by various deadlines between last September and April.”

Last week, the federal government officially ended the NSEERS program.

Bill Ong Hing, a law professor at the University of San Francisco and one of the editors of the ImmigrationProf Blog, wrote in an opinion piece yesterday in the Huffington Post:

The events of 9/11 and the ensuing call to action from the anti-immigrant lobby resulted in far-reaching legislative and enforcement actions. These enforcement actions had implications not only for suspected terrorists but also for immigrants already in the United States and noncitizens trying to enter as immigrants or with nonimmigrant visas. The Patriot Act passed Congress with near unanimous support, and the president signed it into law a mere six weeks after 9/11. The vast powers embodied in the law provide expanded authority to search, monitor, and detain citizens and noncitizens alike, but its implementation preyed most heavily on noncitizen Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs.

Post-9/11 immigration and national security policy changes have been written about extensively since not long after the attacks, including in this 2003 report from the Migration Policy Institute that examined the challenge of preserving civil liberties alongside new security measures.