Dowell Myers

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What is a multiracial city? Southern California has a growing number of them

Photo by Leslie Berestein Rojas/KPCC

Outside a mini-mall in Alhambra, Calif., October 2010

What is a multiracial city? According to researchers at the University of Southern California, these are cities that “have significant populations of at least two and as many as four major racial groups.” And Southern California has loads of them, many more than two decades ago.

A new report out today from USC finds that over the past 20 years throughout the region, the percentage of cities fitting this definition of multiracial has been steadily on the rise.

While just over half the cities in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino and Ventura counties could be considered multiracial in 1990, more than 61 percent of the cities in the region are now home to two or more of the major racial groups identified in the study: white, black, Latino and Asian/Pacific Islander.

Some of the highlights:

  • There are ten cities that had a balance of all four groups in 2010, the two largest being Los Angeles and Long Beach.
  • Major racial shifts have occurred in Orange County: In 1990, only two cities in that county could be considered home to three major groups; now there are a dozen, including the cities of Anaheim, Brea and Placentia, where the Asian/Pacific Islander population has grown, and La Palma, which has become home to more Latinos.
  • The overall multiracial winner among the counties? Riverside County, where 21 of the county’s 26 incorporated cities fit the multiracial definition.

More from the report, which distinguishes between different kinds of racial balance in cities. By its definition, a multiracial city “does not require an equal proportional share but a significant share,” the report reads. Some examples of these:

One-Way Cities. These are cities where one group constitutes a majority and no other group accounts for at least 20% of the population. Examples include Malibu (88.5% white); Huntington Park (97.1% Latino); Cerritos (63.7% Asian); Santa Ana (78.3% Latino); and Ojai (78.0% white). All counties have one-way cities throughout Southern California.

Two-Way Cities. We define “two-way” multiracial cities as those where there are two population groups that each account for at least 20% of the population. Examples include Alhambra, Compton, Palmdale, Irvine, San Juan Capistrano, Riverside, Redlands, and Ventura. Two-way cities are prevalent throughout the five-county region.

Three-Way Cities. These cities have three significant population groups, with the smallest accounting for at least 15% of the total population. A lower threshold for determining the third largest group is appropriate considering that Asians and blacks each comprise less than 15% of the region’s population. Three-way cities include Glendale, Lancaster, Lomita, Torrance, Anaheim, Moreno Valley, and Chino Hills; most are in Los Angeles and Orange counties.

Four-Way Cities. These are the most racially balanced with significant populations of all four groups. We define “four-way” cities as follows: the fourth largest group is at least 8% of the population with the largest group comprising no more than 55% of the population; the second- and third-largest groups exceed 8% of the population but have no other limits. Examples include Los Angeles, Long Beach, Pasadena, Loma Linda, and Rancho Cucamonga. The only four-way cities in the five-county region are in Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties.

But because cities’ demographics continue to shift, their racial balance remains in flux. From a press release quoting the report’s lead author Dowell Myers, a professor of urban planning and demography at USC:

“Right now, we’re at a sweet spot for racial balance in Southern California,” Myers said. “Decline in the white population and growth among Latinos or Asians only increases racial balance up to a point. Some cities have already started to lose their balance.”

Examples of shifting demographics working in the opposite direction, i.e. making cities less racially balanced, are cities like Azusa, Downey, Lawndale, Cerritos and Walnut, where a single group that was once a minority now comprises the majority. For example, Azusa, Downey and Lawndale now have majority Latino populations (at least 61 percent); in Cerritos and Walnut, Asian/Pacific Islander residents now make up at least 63 percent of the population.

The shifting racial balance of Southern California cities and neighborhoods has been at the center of numerous stories in the last year, from the political power battles in once majority-black, now majority-Latino cities like Lynwood and Compton to the recently dashed hopes that Korean Americans have long held for better municipal representation in Los Angeles. And on the flip side, as some neighborhoods gentrify and minorities are pushed out, this shifting balance is also evident in the socioeconomic changes taking place in neighborhoods like Echo Park, a once-Latino neighborhood which the 2010 census showed becoming increasingly white.

The complete USC report can be downloaded here.

Readers on Latinos buying ‘grandma’s house’

Photo by Irina Netchaev/Flickr (Creative Commons)

A post earlier this week highlighted a new USC report on the “housing swap” taking place in California between older white Americans as they sell off their homes in retirement, and the younger Latinos who are entering the market. According to the report, it’s thanks in part to these new homeowners that while California residents 75 and older have been selling their homes in large numbers, the state has seen only a one percent net drop in home ownership rates.

The headline asked the question, “Who will buy grandma’s house?” The reaction from some of the readers posting comments on KPCC’s Facebook page has been interesting.

Marc Ramirez wrote:

Yeah, yeah… coming to your neighborhood!

Jeff Musa didn’t seem to mind that, writing:

Today’s Latinos aren’t any different than yesterday’s Germans or Italians. Families. Values. Upwards. Education. It’s still happening and yeah, there were people scared of the ‘bad’ immigrants 100 years ago too, yelling at them to learn English already. It will be fine folks. Welcome to the neighborhood.

Bob Newman remarked:

The Garcias bought my parents’ house.

For Diane Correa, the report was a bit behind the curve:

Well I guess that’s a good thing since my parents are Latino & have owned their own home 50+ years.

And this from Laura Hessler, speaking for those trying to sell in this tough market:

As long as SOMEONE buys it!

The report was written by Dowell Myers ,a professor and urban growth specialist with the USC School of Policy, Planning, and Development. Myers’ work has often focused on how immigration is transforming Los Angeles and Southern California.

 

Who will buy grandma’s house? Likely a Latino family

Photo by Todd Lappin/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Who is going to buy your parents’ or grandparents’ house when they retire and downsize, or move out of state? According to a new study from the University of Southern California, there’s a good chance that the buyers will be Latino.

The report from the USC School of Policy, Planning, and Development breaks down who has been selling homes in California and who has been buying them, using census data to illustrate a housing swap that is taking place between older white Americans and younger Latinos.

According to the report, California residents 75 and older have been selling off their homes in large numbers. In spite of this, the state has only experienced a 1 percent net drop in home ownership rates. Why? Largely because of the number of young Latino homeowners entering the market. From the report:

Older ages are pivotal for homeownership. On one hand, homeownership rates rise to a peak at age 65, but older age groups are about to lose large numbers of homeowners through moves out of state, shifts into renting or assisted living, and other life changes.

Analysis of the new census data shows us that attrition over the 2000s was a loss of 67% from the number of homeowners who had been ages 75 and older in 2000; losses were 26% of the number of homeowners who had been ages 65-74; and losses were nearly 10% among those ages 55-64.

…The cohort sell-off at older ages in the 2000s was not replaced by young cohorts of white home buyers. Young homeowners under age 45 had been a very prominent growth factor in the 1980s, growing by 975,104, but they grew more slowly in the 1990s (678,870) and slower again in the 2000s (543,797). This diminishing growth at young ages is not enough to cover the growing attrition of white homeowners at older ages. As a result, the total number of white non-Hispanic homeowners in California declined by 157,877 in the 2000s.

In contrast, Latino homeowners increased by 383,778 over the decade, accounting for 78.5% of California’s total growth in homeownership. It is young Latino home buyers, and also Asians, who have taken up the slack from diminished white demand. The new homeowners at young ages were 192,284 less than in the decade of the 1990s even though the sell-off by older homeowners was increasing. Latinos contributed 32.4% of the new homeowners at young ages during the 2000s, and they have potential to do much more.

The clear challenge for the future will be how to pick up the growing slack from the increased sell-off of older homeowners. “Who is going to buy your house?” has become an important question for all of us.

The trend of older white Americans selling off their properties is expected to pick up as Baby Boomers age, creating more opportunities for minority home buyers entering the market.

The report was written by USC professor and urban growth specialist Dowell Myers, whose work has often focused on how immigration is transforming Los Angeles and Southern California.