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Second-generation nation: A look ahead as minority babies become a majority

Photo by David Herholz/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Babies nap in a hospital nursery, February 2010

It doesn’t come as shocking news that for the first time in U.S. history, the majority of the babies being born in the United States are members of Latino, black, Asian and other minority groups. When the 2010 census was taken in April of that year, this number was nearing 50 percent; according to new reports, the tipping point came three months later, in July 2010. By last year, 50.4 percent of children under the age of one belonged to groups considered minorities.

The news falls within a bigger picture: Many of these babies are second-generation Americans born to immigrants. And as the 2010 census showed us, it is the children of immigrants who are boosting the growth of the dominant-minority Latino population, which is no longer fueled so much by immigration. The historic immigration boom from Mexico of the late 20th century has died down, immigrants from there and elsewhere who have chosen to stay in the U.S. are staying long-term, and their children are becoming the new face of the U.S.

In a way, it’s only history repeating itself in a nation made up of generations of immigrants. The perception of what constitutes “American” has slowly evolved over the years, sometimes not easily. But now it’s these kids’ turn. What can we expect from this emerging second-generation nation as our minority-majority babies grow up? A few highlights from the future:

1) The overall picture: As California goes, so goes the country

A recent state population projection from the University of Southern California predicted a state which, as the immigration that fueled its growth in recent decades has slowed, will be older and less crowded than once expected. It will also be increasingly second-generation. According to the report, the share of second-generation Californians with at least one foreign-born parent is expected to go from the 16.9 percent it was in 1990 to 27.1 percent in 2030.

As both foreign- and native-born Californians age, what growth there is in the future working-age population will be dominated by children of immigrants. From the report:

Whereas the main working age population (ages 25 to 64) increased 4.2 million from 1990 to 2010, it is expected to grow moderately less (3.3 million) from 2010 to 2030. Virtually all the projected growth is comprised of native-born who are the children of immigrants (98%).

This contrasts to the earlier growth period, when immigrants themselves accounted for 80% of the growth. In fact, in the coming period, 112% of the 3.3 million working age increase is projected to be from California-born residents (a 3.7 million increase that exceeds losses in other groups).

This sets up a host of challenges, from who will provide lower-wage labor to how to properly educate and train younger second-generation Californians for success. So moving on…

2) There will be educational challenges

Educational attainment varies widely among different ethnic groups, but in general, the picture isn’t ideal for some groups across immigrant generations. From an Urban Institute research brief:

Looking at the dropout rates of immigrant youth in each generation relative to their parents, first-generation Hispanic and Asian immigrant youth make tremendous strides in educational attainment relative to their parents.

But this trend in upward mobility reverses by the third generation (Perreira, Harris, et al. 2007). Furthermore, the second generation is not graduating from college at the same rate as their native non-Hispanic White peers (Fry, 2007).

Increasingly punitive “zero tolerance” policies in public schools have been blamed by critics as contributing to an especially high dropout rate among black and Latino youths. And while some groups of Asian Americans achieve high educational attainment, it’s not universal: There are wide disparities, for example, between Korean Americans and Vietnamese Americans and other Southeast Asians. The gaps between different groups, blacks and Latinos included, trace back to factors that range from immigration status to access to early childhood education.

But even among some of the groups with lower educational attainment, there have been gains: For example, a recent Migration Policy Institute report found that second-generation Latinas are enrolling in college at a rate of 46 percent, not far behind non-Latina white peers. Similarly, male Latinos are enrolled at a rate of 37 percent, not far behind white men. Overall, though, second-generation Latinos’ degree completion rate still falls behind that of white peers, with family finances, the need to work, and in some cases immigration status playing a role.

3) There will be more native-born U.S. citizen minorities eligible to vote

And they will continue to be up for grabs, to a point. Where second- and third-generation votes fall depends on which group we’re talking about, as does how many of these potential voters show up at the polls. So far, as minorities in California go, black voters are more likely to turn out in proportion to their share of the population, but Latinos and Asians are still underrepresented in voter turnout, according to a report from the Public Policy Institute of California.

But there have been slight gains, and more can be expected as native-born children of immigrants come of age. How might they vote? Let’s take a look at what the Pew Hispanic Center reported on Latino voters by generation earlier this year. In a nutshell, the native-born are more likely to consider themselves liberal, although there are shades of gray going into the third. From the report:

Foreign-born Hispanics are more likely than native-born Hispanics to describe their political views as conservative—35% versus 28%. Meanwhile, native-born Hispanics are more likely than immigrant Hispanics to describe their political views as “very liberal” or “liberal”—34% versus 27%.

Second- and third-generation Latino voters lean farther to the left than the first generation does on issues like abortion and gay rights, according to the Pew report. But while first-generation Latinos favor bigger government, the second and third generations lean successively to the right on this one, with a bigger share of each generation preferring smaller government.

4) There will be more interracial/interethnic families

As the European immigrants of a hundred years ago assimilated during the 20th century, rates of interethnic marriage among these different ethnic groups climbed toward mid-century, as the children of European immigrants “married out” into other groups.

The same has held true with today’s second-generation adult children of immigrants, a more racially diverse bunch than their mid-20th century predecessors. In 2006, a Migration Policy Institute analysis reported on how different generations of women in minority groups chose partners:

The low levels of intermarriage in the first generation are followed by higher levels of intermarriage in the second generation for all nonwhite women. Among Asians and Hispanics, the increase in levels of intermarriage continues into the third generation. For Asian and Hispanic women, then, the pattern fits the expectations generated by the “straight-line” assimilation theory, with steady increases in intermarriage across generations.

The picture differs for white women and black women. Levels of intermarriage among white women are relatively steady across generations, hovering around five percent. The steadiness can be attributed to the large numbers of whites in the American population — all else being equal, levels of intermarriage are always lowest among members of larger groups.

No surprise, then, that recent decades have brought a growing number of  interracial marriages, as reported by the Pew Hispanic Center this year. In 2010, the share of new marriages between spouses of different races or ethnicities stood at 15.1 percent; the overall share as far as existing marriages stood at 8.4 percent, an all-time high. In 1980, only three percent of all marriages and less than seven percent of new ones involved partners of different racial or ethnic groups.

Chances are that today’s majority-minority babies will continue the trend. What will their second-generation nation look like? Los Angeles Magazine’s April cover on race and the new face of L.A. may have been a few years overdue in a polyglot town like this one, but the cover models are a pretty good indication.

How the Latino/Hispanic label still fails to stick

Photo by Leslie Berestein Rojas/KPCC

Spotted on a car window in L.A., February 2011

It’s been approximately four decades since the origin of the “Hispanic” ethnic identity category on census forms, later updated to “Hispanic, Latino or of Spanish Origin.” And it’s been argued that in the years since, while Hispanic/Latino is not a racial category, the term itself has forced a racialization of Latinos in spite of their being so culturally and racially diverse, they defy a cohesive definition.

It’s the latter point that’s driven home in a new Pew Hispanic Center report. As it turns out, all these years later, a majority of Latinos still prefer to buck a one-size-fits-all label, tending instead to identify by country of origin.

According to the Pew study, 51 percent of those surveyed said they most often identify themselves by their family’s country of origin, while only 24 percent prefer to use a pan-ethnic label. And more than two-thirds described Latinos as having “different cultures rather than a common culture,” according to a report summary.

For Latinos/Hispanics/lo que sea (which translates loosely to “whatever), this isn’t a news flash. Even back when Geraldo Rivera was going on about how “the only difference among us Hispanics is the color of our beans,” it was common knowledge that Mexicans have about as much in common with Dominicans as Cubans have with Argentines. Who eat pasta, by the way.

That said, residents and former residents of Latin America, and their descendants elsewhere, share common bonds that go far beyond their shared colonial history, religious history and language. On the language front, 82 percent of the respondents in the Pew study said they spoke Spanish, and most (95 percent) said it was important for future generations to do the same.

Some highlights from the report:

  • Latinos prefer their family’s country of origin over pan-ethnic terms.Half (51%) say that most often they use their family’s country of origin to describe their identity. That includes such terms as “Mexican” or “Cuban” or “Dominican,” for example. Just one-quarter (24%) say they use the terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” to most often to describe their identity. And 21% say they use the term “American” most often.
  • “Hispanic” or “Latino”? Most don’t care—but among those who do, “Hispanic” is preferred. Half (51%) say they have no preference for either term. When a preference is expressed, “Hispanic” is preferred over “Latino” by more than a two-to-one margin—33% versus 14%.
  • Most Hispanics do not see a shared common culture among U.S. Hispanics. Nearly seven-in-ten (69%) say Hispanics in the U.S. have many different cultures, while 29% say Hispanics in the U.S. share a common culture.
  • Most Hispanics don’t see themselves fitting into the standard racial categories used by the U.S. Census Bureau. When it comes to race, according to the Pew Hispanic survey, half (51%) of Latinos identify their race as “some other race” or volunteer “Hispanic/Latino.” Meanwhile, 36% identify their race as white, and 3% say their race is black.

Respondents were also split on whether they see themselves as “typical Americans.” Forty-seven percent said they did, while the same number (which included a greater share of foreign-born Latinos) said they didn’t. And while most who are immigrants said they would come to the U.S. all over again, more respondents said that family ties are stronger in Latin America.

The entire report can be downloaded here.

Four of the top 10 states with biggest immigrant population growth now have Arizona-style laws

Source: Migration Policy Institute

The top 10 states with the biggest foreign-born population growth between 1990 and 2010, based on census data

One post earlier this week mapped the top 10 states with the biggest foreign-born population growth since 1990; another post took a look at the states that since 2010 have enacted anti-illegal immigration laws. Among these are five states that since then have enacted strict laws similar to Arizona’s SB 1070, which the U.S. Supreme Court is set to weigh in on next month.

Put the data in both together and you have this: A list of the states with the fastest-growing immigrant populations that have recently enacted Arizona-style immigration laws. And as it turns out, of the five states with new laws similar to SB 1070 since 2010 – Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah and Indiana – all but one are on the top 10 list.

Here are the four states, all of which have seen more than 280 percent growth in their foreign-born populations since 1990, according to the Migration Policy Institute map above, and a brief synopsis of what’s happening with their immigration laws, all of which face legal challenges:

Alabama: Considered the nation’s strictest state anti-illegal immigration law, the measure known as HB 56 took partial effect in September. Among its many provisions was one blocked in court that would have required public schools to check the immigration status of students. The measure has driven many Latino immigrants to leave the state, prompting a labor shortage. A panel of federal judges in Atlanta this week decided to hold off on ruling on legal challenges to this and a similar law in Georgia until the Supreme Court decides on SB 1070.

Georgia: The state approved a measure last spring that is similar to the Alabama law, if not quite as strict. But with a component that requires employers to verify work authorization, similar to what has happened in Alabama, Georgia’s agricultural industry has been affected by a reduction in its labor force after the law took effect. Attempts to bring in convicts to work the fields have not worked out as planned. As with the Alabama law, federal judges are to decide on the law’s fate after SB 1070 is decided on by the Supreme Court.

South Carolina: Approved by state legislators in June, the state’s SB 1070-inspired law would have required law enforcement officials to check the immigration status of people suspected to be in the country illegally, a provision common to the laws modeled after Arizona’s. This and other controversial provisions were blocked (as was the same provision in Arizona) by a federal judge last December, before the law took effect in January.

Utah: Known as HB 497, the measure is the enforcement-only cousin of a more lenient Utah state immigration measure, also approved last year and challenged since. Like SB 1070 and its cousins in the southern states, HB 497 would require local police involvement in the enforcement of federal immigration laws. The federal Justice Department challenged the law last fall; earlier this month, a federal judge said he’d also wait for a decision on SB 1070 before issuing a ruling.

Indiana, the fifth state with a new anti-illegal immigration law modeled on SB 1070, is not in the top 10 but has a growing Latino population. A federal judge blocked part of the law last summer, shortly before it was set to take effect. And in Mississippi, Alabama’s neighbor to the west, a similarly styled anti-illegal immigration law is moving through the state legislature.

Tennessee, another of the states on the top 10 map, passed a state law last year requiring jails to notify federal authorities about inmates who are undocumented or whose status can’t be determined, though it’s not as stringent as the Arizona-style laws.

Which immigrants live where, mapped (Part 2)

A series of new maps from the Migration Policy Institute illustrates where immigrants from eight top sending countries tend to reside in the United States, highlighting the top states and cities they settle in. A previous post this morning showed where immigrants from Mexico, China, India and Philippines gravitate to; the four remaining maps below, updated with 2010 census data, point out the destinations of immigrants from Vietnam, El Salvador, Cuba and Korea.

Five of the eight immigrant groups – excluding those from China, India and Cuba – are most highly concentrated in the L.A. metropolitan region. But we already knew that.

 

The entire MPI map series can be downloaded here.

Which immigrants live where, mapped (Part 1)

In a new series of maps based on 2010 census data, the Migration Policy Institute pinpoints just where it is that immigrants from specific nations call home. Only eight of the nation’s largest immigrant groups are represented so far, but it’s striking to see where they live today illustrated state by state, with the cities that are immigrant strongholds highlighted.

And yes, expect to see Los Angeles come up as a top destination again and again.

Here are four of the updated maps, illustrating the places in the U.S. that immigrants from Mexico, China, India and the Philippines most tend to call home:

 

A follow-up post will show the destinations of immigrants from four other top-sending countries. The entire MPI map series can be downloaded here.

Top 10 states with the fastest-growing immigrant populations

Source: Migration Policy Institute

The Migration Policy Institute has produced another striking set of updated immigration-related maps based on 2010 census data, including this one. It’s well known from last year’s census that much of the recent growth in the nation’s foreign-born population has not taken place in usual destinations such as California, Texas, Florida, New York and Illinois (the states in blue), but in less traditional states, especially in the South.

Seeing the state-by-state growth mapped throws these demographic changes into relief, especially given the more recent headlines as some of these states have implemented strict new immigration laws. For the sake of reference, here are the states listed in order: 1. North Carolina; 2. Georgia; 3. Arkansas; 4. Tennessee; 5. Nevada; 6. South Carolina; 7. Kentucky; 8. Nebraska; 9. Alabama; 10. Utah.

The nation’s immigrant population, illustrated

Source: Immigration Policy Center

As far as interactive maps and graphics charting the nation’s immigrant population go, the Immigration Policy Center has released the granddaddy of them all this week. Based on census, economic and other data, a 50-state interactive map on the IPC homepage gives way to detailed state-by-state compilations of demographic, economic, educational, entrepreneurial, political and other information on the foreign-born, Latino and Asian populations of each state.

Each state page is accompanied by a downloadable infographic, like the one above for California, and a state fact sheet. Just a few highlights from the California fact sheet:

  • Immigrants comprised 34.6% of the state’s workforce in 2010 (or 6.5 million workers), according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
  • 45.6% of immigrants (or 4.6 million people) in California were naturalized U.S. citizens in 2010 (up from 31.2% in 1990)—meaning that they are eligible to vote.
  • Immigrants in California pay roughly $30 billion in federal taxes, $5.2 billion in state income taxes, and $4.6 billion in sales taxes each year. In California, “the average immigrant-headed household contributes a net $2,679 annually to Social Security, which is $539 more than the average US-born household.”
  • Together, businesses owned by Latinos and Asians comprised more than one-quarter of all businesses in the state, according to the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2007 Survey of Business Owners.
  • The number of immigrants in California with a college degree increased by 42.8% between 2000 and 2009, according to data from the Migration Policy Institute.

IPC is the policy and research arm of the American Immigration Council, an Washington, D.C. nonprofit that’s connected to the American Immigration Lawyers Association.

The interactive map can be downloaded here.