1.5 generation

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Terms of assimilation: What do we call people who assimilate into another culture?

Photo by Aniol I/Flickr (Creative Commons)

A panel that I moderated last week on what defines the 1.5 generation, immigrants who arrive in the U.S. as children and adolescents, yielded enough material for many, many related posts. Panelists and audience members connected over identity, the immigrant experience as lived by young people and how it shapes them, among other things. And of course, the role of language.

On the language front, a follow-up question via email this week from an audience member, my KPCC reporter colleague Adolfo Guzman-Lopez, has prompted a great collection of replies from the panelists. First, his question:

In Mexico the word “pocho” is used to describe someone who’s left Mexico and has assimilated into another culture. Is there a word used by Koreans, Salvadorans, or Filipinos to mean someone who’s assimilated into another country and left the language and culture of the home country?

The first answer came from Cal Poly Pomona sociologist Mary Yu Danico, a 1.5 generation Korean American and author of The 1.5 Generation: Becoming Korean American in Hawaii:” 

In Korea, they refer to any person of Korean descent in the diaspora at gyopoGyopos, however, do not always leave language and culture behind..

In Hawaii they refer to Japanese Americans born on the mainland as katonk.

Dennis Arguelles, a second-generation Filipino American and director of program development for Search To Involve Pilipino Americans (SIPA), offered this:

My understanding is that there isn’t a generic term for like “pocho” for Filipinos, but anyone who’s assimilated into American culture, even if they are 1.5, is simply referred to as “Fil Am.”

UCLA Chicana/o Studies professor Leisy Abrego, a 1.5 generation Salvadoran American, suggested a term used not only by Salvadorans but also other Latinos:

I asked around and the only thing I got from Salvadorans was “agringado,” which translates loosely into “whitewashed.”

One Spanish definition describing “agringado” translates roughly as “adopting the look or customs of the gringo, imitating in some way or behaving like one.” It’s a word I remember hearing from the elders in my family as I was growing up as a 1.5er, becoming Americanized.

Are there other terms like these not listed here? Feel free to post them below.

‘A different kind of consciousness’: On what defines the 1.5 generation

Photo by K W Reinsch/Flickr (Creative Commons)

I’ve been listening to the raw audio from a great discussion that my KPCC colleagues and I held earlier this week at the station’s Crawford Family Forum on the experience of the 1.5 generation, immigrants who arrived in the United States as children or adolescents.

I’ve moderated a few of these events by now, but listening to it again, this conversation was striking in terms of how personally those of us involved – both the panelists and the audience – connected with the topic, and with one another, as the evening went on.

The panelists were Cal Poly Pomona sociologist and author Mary Yu Danico, UCLA Chicana/o Studies professor Leisy Abrego and by Dennis Arguelles, director of program development for Search To Involve Pilipino Americans (SIPA). Three out of the four of us (me included) are 1.5ers ourselves. So were many members of the audience, who helped is cover diverse perspectives on growing up as intergenerational bridge-builders, cultural interpreters, outsiders, all of the above.

Expect more highlights tomorrow, as I’m still transcribing tape, but for now I’ll share a brief highlight from Abrego, who arrived from El Salvador at age five, on one of the things that sets 1.5ers apart:

If you think really about the migration experience, and of course, it is going to vary by national origin and class and race, and all of these different things, but if you think about migration, particularly for Latinos, it’s really about this struggle, this process of adapting. It’s very difficult – learning a new language – and so children who are 1.5 experience more of that firsthand than children who are born here. They, depending on their age, may recall a lot of that process, and I think it probably becomes part of their identity in a very different way than for someone who was born years after their parents had arrived and didn’t have to experience a lot of that initial struggle that a lot of immigrants go through.

So I think it reinforces ideas about how this is a new place, we have to work hard, we have to live up, to make sure that our parents’ sacrifices were worth it. There is a different kind of consciousness that people can talk about, because they can remember, in their childhood, these sacrifices.

Can you identify? We heard several good 1.5 stories the other night (and some good ones from the second generation, too), but there’s room for more. Please feel free to share yours below.

A generation ‘in the interstices…of two societies and cultures’

Photo by K W Reinsch/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Of all the descriptions I’ve been reading lately of the 1.5 generation, immigrants who arrived in the U.S. as children or adolescents, there’s one that especially resonates as I prepare for a related panel tonight, applying to a far broader group than those it originally described.

In a 1988 study of young Southeast Asian refugees in San Diego, conducted then for the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement, sociologists Rubén Rumbaut and Kenji Ima described what they alternately termed the “one-and-a-half generation” and the 1.5 generation. Substitute the word “immigrants” for “refugees” and what they wrote can apply to anyone who has grown up as a young immigrant, adapting to a new life chosen not by them, but their parents. The description:

These respondents are members of what we’ll call the “1.5″ generation: that is, they are neither part of the “first” generation of their parents, the responsible adults who were formed in the homeland, who made the fateful decision to leave it and to flee as refugees to an uncertain exile in the United States, and who are this defined by the consequences of that decision and by the need to justify it; nor are these youths part of the “second” generation of children who are born in the U.S., and for whom the “homeland” mainly exists as a representation consisting of parental memories and memorabilia, even though their ethnicity may remain well defined.

Rather, the refugee youths in our study constitute a distinctive cohort; they are those young people who were born in their countries of origin but formed in the U.S. (that is, they are completing their education in the U.S. during the key formative periods of adolescence and early adulthood); they were not the main protagonists of the decision to leave and hence are less beholden to their parents’ attitudes (e.g., they may be “freer” and more “objective” to forge a new modus vivendi in the U.S. with less of the pressure for self-justification required of the “first” generation); and they are in many ways marginal to both the new and old worlds, for while they straddle both worlds they are in some profound sense fully part of neither of them.

Though they differ greatly from each other in cultural and social class origins, and in many other respects as well, they generally share a common psychohistorical location in terms of their age and their migration status/role, and in terms of developing bicultural strategies of response and adjustment to that unique position which they occupy as “1.5ers” – in the interstices, as it were, of two societies and cultures, between the first and second generation, and between being “refugees” and being “ethnics” (or hyphenated “Americans”).

The “fateful decision” taken by the parents is, of course, a prominent part of the experience for young undocumented 1.5s in the United States, a subject we’ll also be tackling during the discussion tonight at KPCC’s Crawford Family Forum in Pasadena.

I’ll be joined by Cal Poly Pomona sociologist and author Mary Yu Danico, UCLA Chicana/o Studies professor Leisy Abrego and by Dennis Arguelles, director of program development for Search To Involve Pilipino Americans (SIPA). Three out of the four of us (me included) are 1.5ers ourselves. Among other things, we’ll be talking about how the 1.5 experience has shaped those of us who live it in terms of how we identify, how we speak, how we marry, even how we vote. Audience members will form part of the discussion and share their stories, too.

It starts at 7 p.m. and admission is free, but an RSVP is required. Reserve a seat here.

What goes into cultural identity? Two generation 1.5ers, two experiences

Photo by K W Reinsch/Flickr (Creative Commons)

All manner of factors influence how 1.5 generation immigrants, who arrived in the U.S. as children or adolescents, develop their cultural identity. How old they were upon arrival, where they grew up, their immigration status, the attitudes of their parents, all play a part.

In a panel this Tuesday night at KPCC’s Crawford Family Forum, I’ll be discussing the 1.5 experience with Cal Poly Pomona sociologist Mary Yu Danico and UCLA Chicana/o Studies professor Leisy Abrego, all of us 1.5ers ourselves. One aspect we’ll be talking about is something Danico wrote about in her book, “The 1.5 Generation: Becoming Korean American in Hawaii.” Among other things, she wrote about the vast cultural and identity differences among young people who assimilate as kids and teens.

Danico compares two women, one raised in Oregon and another in Hawaii, whose large Asian American population provides a familiar place to land for many immigrants. From the book:

Sally, a 31-year-old, immigrated to Hawai’i when she was 3 years old. When speaking to her, one would guess that Sally was either second- or even third-generation local Korean. However, she identifies herself as Korean.

She grew up in government-assisted homes with her mother, who spoke only Korean. Most of her immediate neighbors were Korean, she attended a high school where her friends were predominantly Korean and local, and she works in a hotel that is run and owned by Koreans. Although she speaks Konglish with her Korean American friends, at works she speaks primarily Korean. Sally shows how defining the1.5 generation is complex.

Sonia, a 39-year-old Korean American, immigrated to Oregon at age 12; however, her parents instructed her and her siblings not to speak Korean and to speak only English. Her parents felt that in order to succeed in the dominant white culture, their children had to perfect the English language and never let out that they are immigrants.

Consequently, Sonia and her siblings do not speak or understand Korean. She states, “You know, I really feel like I’m just American. Yes, obviously I’m Korean. I mean look at me. But I don’t speak Korean, don’t eat Korean food, don’t date Korean men…I’m really just superficially Korean.” The pressure in the continental United States to assimilate pushed Sonia and her family to leave their culture behind and to become “American.”

Stories like these abound, and I’d like to hear them from readers. If you have a 1.5 generation story to share, feel free to post it below. And join us tomorrow night in Pasadena for what promises to be a lively discussion. Tickets are free, but an RSVP is required.

Posts of the week: The Trayvon Martin case, how being bilingual makes you smarter, media diversity, generation 1.5 and more

Photo by Reigh LeBlanc/Flickr (Creative Commons)

The tragic shooting death of Florida teenager Trayvon Martin and how race factored into it has dominated the headlines this week. But there’s also been good news (being bilingual can make you smarter!) and an unexpected call for media diversity from, of all places, Los Angeles City Hall. Without further ado, a few of the week’s highlights:

Monday

Your brain on a second language: Bilingualism and brain power More evidence that speaking a second language boosts brain power. According to research, the mental focus it takes to switch from communicating in one language to another is a “workout” for the brain that improves cognitive and problem-solving skills, and can even delay the onset of Alzheimer’s symptoms.

Tuesday

With shooter’s ethnicity, race becomes an even bigger part of the Trayvon Martin story A recent development in the case involving the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed 17-year-old black boy shot by a neighborhood watch volunteer in Florida, was that the shooter, George Zimmerman, is half Latino. There were some interesting reactions to this online, including from some non-Latino whites who had felt scapegoated.

Wednesday

Gen 1.5: Where an immigrant generation fits in The experience of young people who arrive in the United States as children and adolescents is a unique one in immigrant diasporas. In some immigrant communities, they are expected to be bridge-builders and generational liaisons. How old they were upon arrival, along with where they grow up, their immigration status and other factors helps determine who they become and how they identify. The story of generation 1.5 will be the focus of an upcoming panel next week at KPCC in Pasadena, open to the public.

Thursday

L.A. city officials wade into media diversity A resolution passed by the Los Angeles City Council earlier this week urged media outlets to stay away from “sexist and racist slurs” in light of a recent on-air controversy surrounding KFI 640 AM’s “The Jon and Ken Show.” But interestingly, it also suggests that media outlets work harder to hire more minorities as staff and on-air talent.

Friday

Where race matters in the Trayvon Martin case, and where it doesn’t The news that George Zimmerman, the shooter in the killing of Florida teen Trayvon Martin, is half Latino doesn’t really change anything about the case. But the revelation that Zimmerman doesn’t fit neatly into what many people think of as “white” triggers questions about how we identify and perceive race, how racial prejudice and profiling works, and whether the color or ethnicity of a profiler matters.

Gen 1.5: Where an immigrant generation fits in

Photo by K W Reinsch/Flickr (Creative Commons)

The experience of 1.5 generation immigrants, a term used to describe people who arrived in the U.S. as children and adolescents, is a unique one. Unlike their first-generation parents or U.S.-born siblings, their identity is split. They are American in many ways, sometimes in most, but not entirely.

Depending on how old 1.5s are upon arrival, where they grow up, which ethnic group they belong to and a host of other factors, their American/immigrant identities vary wildly, as do the roles they play within immigrant diasporas. They can play bridge-builder and cultural interpreter, helping parents and grandparents navigate their new home. Or they can feel like outcasts, neither here nor there. Then there are complicating factors like legal status, with some undocumented 1.5s growing up side by side with U.S. citizen siblings and peers.

Next Tuesday, March 27, I’ll be leading a discussion about the 1.5 experience at KPCC’s Crawford Family Forum, joined by Cal Poly Pomona sociologist Mary Yu Danico and UCLA Chicana/o Studies professor Leisy Abrego, both 1.5s themselves, along with yours truly. The audience will form part of the discussion as well, and people will be encouraged to share their stories. Among other things, we’ll be talking about how the 1.5 experience has shaped those of us who live it in terms of how we identify, how we speak, how we marry, even how we vote.

We’ll also talk about the evolution of the 1.5 term and what it means to different people. It’s been used in academia for many years – back in the late 1960s, sociologist Rubén Rumbaut described Cuban American child immigrants as being part of a “one-and-a-half generation,” later switching to the decimal “1.5 generation” to describe Southeast Asian youths. But the term really took off in the Korean American press, and still has special resonance for Asian Americans.

There’s an interesting reason why this is so, especially for Korean Americans. Just as the Japanese have terms to describe first, second and third-generation immigrants, Koreans have a unique term for those in between the first and second, which they refer to as ilchom ose.

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Report: First and second generation to be a third of U.S. population by 2040

Source: University of Southern California

report released today by the University of Southern California that projects the growth of immigrant generations in the United States has the second-generation children of immigrants poised to make up a larger share of the overall U.S. population in coming years, more so than they have in the past.

Published by USC’s Population Dynamics Research Group, the report projects changes in the population of foreign-born immigrants and their descendants through 2040. It predicts slower growth in the foreign-born immigrant population, but growth all the same, with foreign-born immigrants due to comprise 16.7 percent of the population by 2040 (up from 13.2 in 2010).

The growth of the second generation – which includes the older second-generation children of immigrant parents who arrived long ago – has taken a different trajectory over the years, interestingly. Now it’s on a steady climb:

The native-born second generation children of immigrants show a different historical trend. There was no increase in the second generation’s share of total population until after 2000 as the increasing numbers of children of recent, post-1960s immigrants were off-set by declining numbers of much older children of immigrant parents who arrived before 1920, in the previous period of mass immigration.

Since 2000, as the older generation shrank due to mortality and the new generation continued to grow due to births, the second-generation’s overall share of the population began to rebound. In the future it is projected to increase in parallel with the first-generation’s share, from 9.2% in 2010 to 13.7% by 2040.

Using the broadest possible definition of the second generation, which adds the native-born children of native-born mothers and foreign-born fathers, increases the second generation share by an estimated additional 2.7% in 2010 and 4.1% in 2040.

As a result, “the total foreign stock (parents and children with recent immigrant roots) is currently 22.5% of the total U.S. population and is projected in 2040 to rise to 30.5%, a level not seen since 1930,” the report reads.

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The cultural mashup dictionary: Wi-5?

Photo by TexasT/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Overheard in a public library in South L.A., this language gem is what “wi-fi” can easily sound like to Spanish speakers’ ears. There are, of course, those who prefer to turn the term into Spanish altogether, as in “el wifi” (pronounced “wee fee”), but say it out loud and it makes perfect sense: “el wi-five.”

This latest entry to the evolving cultural mashup dictionary comes courtesy of blogger, library worker and avid tweeter Art of @Chicano_Soul, who was on duty at the Junipero Serra Branch Library on South Main St. this week when he heard a girl nearby say it. He tweeted:

Sorry. No free “Wi-5” (@ The Circulation Desk)

Thanks for sharing, Art.

Multi-American’s cultural mashup dictionary is an evolving collection of occasional entries, bits and pieces of that fluid lexicon of words, terms and phrases coined as immigrants and their descendants influence the English language, and it influences them.

Recent entries have included Googlear and Twittear and Feisbuk (lots of social media) and perhaps my favorite to date, Tweecanos. The series started off with the meaning and etymology of the term 1.5 generation.

Have an entry to suggest? Feel free to post it below.