Economy

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Help us learn more about L.A.’s entrepreneurial immigrant families

Photo by elycefeliz/Flickr (Creative Commons)

A post Friday cited a new report from the California Community Foundation that credits entrepreneurial immigrants as one of the driving forces behind the the reshaping of L.A.’s affluence in the coming decades.

According to the report, Los Angeles County has more women- and minority-owned businesses than any other city in the nation. They contribute to the economy of a region that ranks first in entrepreneurial activity among the 15 largest metropolitan areas in the U.S.

So who are these immigrant entrepreneurs? Those attending a live forum at KPCC’s Crawford Family Forum tomorrow night will get to hear the stories of some of the better-known entrepreneurs behind Los Angeles’ iconic Latino family businesses, among them Tapatio hot sauce, Porto’s Bakery, Gavina Gourmet Coffee and the Guelaguetza Oaxacan restaurant chain, all well into their second generation of family ownership. Among other things, we’ll be talking about the dynamics of working with business partners that also happen to be your parents, children or siblings.

But these stories come in all shapes and sizes, so we’re asking readers to help us find other immigrant-founded family business gems in Los Angeles via a nifty Assignment Desk project, which allows the public to participate in the news-gathering and storytelling process. There’s also a map on which people can pinpoint a business with an interesting story.

What we have so far: A three-generation Japanese American martial arts supply business in Chatsworth, a two-generation (with family portraits on the wall) Persian American ice cream store in Westwood, a Himalayan restaurant in Palms.

If you are part of a family business started by immigrants, whether it’s you, your parents or grandparents, tell us your story. And if you know of an interesting immigrant family business, please tell us about them. And please bring a camera, because photos and video are welcome. Check out the details here.

How immigrants will help reshape the future wealth of Los Angeles

Photo by moooster/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Over the next several decades, what will be the color of money in Los Angeles? A new report from the California Community Foundation points to what some might find an unexpected driver of wealth in the region: entrepreneurial immigrants.

Along with entrepreneurship, immigration is expected to be one of the two most likely factors shaping the creation of wealth in the region in the coming 50 years, according to the report. An excerpt:

Los Angeles’ entrepreneurial community is diverse, with more women- and minority-owned businesses than any other county in the nation, according to the Federal Reserve.

There is a strong connection between entrepreneurial activity and immigration. Immigrants were, for example, more than twice as likely in 2010 to start businesses each month than were native-born U.S. residents.

Titled “The Future of Philanthropy in Los Angeles: A Wealth of Opportunity,” the report presents a picture of the wealth that is due to change hands in the next five decades as older residents die off, some of whom will leave money to nonprofits. According to the report, Los Angeles County is poised to experience unprecedented growth in its wealth – and thus, potential philanthropy – between now and 2060. It is also expected to have far and away the most money changing hands between generations during this time, more than in any other U.S. city.

This is partly due to a large degree of entrepreneurship in Los Angeles, which ranked last year as having the higest level of entrepreneurship among the 15th largest cities in the nation.

What do immigrants have to do with it? A bit more from the report:

According to the transfer of wealth in L.A. County study by RUPRI, Los Angeles will likely continue to experience two types of major international immigration. The first is entry level workers. Typically, these households require two or three generations before there is a significant accumulation of assets.

The second type is the immigration of higher net worth and higher educated households. Because L.A. is a gateway and safe harbor for dislocated persons and families, it will likely see high levels of immigration from this second group. Like retirees moving to warmer climates, these households come into the community with significant wealth, thereby establishing a quicker opportunity for giving back.

Between first-generation immigrants and their entrepreneurial offspring (some of whom take over family businesses, as we’ll be discussing in a panel at KPCC next week), it adds up to a good amount of entrepreneurial activity. According to the Kauffman Index of Entrepreneurial Activity, a national study that contains data on the growth of immigrant entrepreneurship, the percentage of new entrepreneurs who are immigrants more than doubled between 1996 and 2010, making up close to a third (29 percent) of all new entrepreneurs. The study also notes that the entrepreneurship rate among immigrants is more than double that of native-born Americans.

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What’s it like to be part of a cross-cultural, multigenerational family business?

Photo by elycefeliz/Flickr (Creative Commons)

The immigrant family business has traditionally been a way for the first generation to launch the second into a better life, with the parents who spend their days toiling in small restaurants, convenience stores and countless other small businesses putting their savings away for their children’s education. But what happens when the children come back to work with them?

This is going to be the subject of a panel next week at KPCC’s Crawford Family Forum, which I’ll be moderating. The panelists joining me will be members of the families behind some of Los Angeles’ most iconic Latino businesses: Tapatío hot sauce, Porto’s Bakery, Gaviña Gourmet Coffee and the Guelaguetza restaurant chain.

The latter, a favorite eatery for years, made me do a double take last year when I saw the Guelaguetza posting updates on Twitter – the influence, it turns out, of the twentysomething daughter and son of the restaurants’ Oaxacan immigrant founders.

So what’s it like to be part of a multigenerational, cross-cultural business family? In some cases, the kids set out to do something different – then fall back into the family’s line of work. Last summer, the New York Times features several second-generation restaurateurs who had gone to work with their parents, expanding and revamping the family’s restaurant businesses. Here’s what one of them, Wilson Tang, had to say about the Wall Street jobs he held before coming back:

“I’m a typical second-generation Asian-American,” he said. “My parents wanted me to go to school and study hard and get a good job at a big company. And I did exactly that.”

We’ll talk about these expectations and personal career journeys in the panel, as well as the cross-cultural, inter-generational dynamics that take place with first-generation elders work with their American offspring, and how their collaboration has helped these businesses grow.

Now it’s your turn: Are you part of an entrepreneurial immigrant family, or close to one? My KPCC colleagues have put together a nifty Assignment Desk project that allows the public to get involved in the storytelling process, conducting interviews and shooting photos and video. We’re looking for the stories of interesting family businesses – and not necessarily big ones, as everyone has a good story to tell. Check out the details here.

And please join us Dec. 6 for the panel in Pasadena. It starts at 6:45 p.m. and tickets are free.

Immigration, deportations on Occupy L.A.’s list of grievances

Photo by DB's Travels/Flickr (Creative Commons)

A sign at the Occupy Los Angeles camp, October 2011

As Occupy L.A. protesters prepared last week to fight the city’s planned eviction of their camp outside City Hall – still on hold as they take the eviction fight to court - a list of demands drafted by the protesters solidified their sympathy for the immigrant rights movement.

A few days ago, the Los Angeles protesters posted a list of “grievances not addressed” that ranged from a moratorium on foreclosures to seeking a better public transit system to student debt relief, and this request:

Los Angeles to be declared a sanctuary city for the undocumented, deportations to be discontinued and cooperation with immigration authorities be ended – including the turning in of arrestees’ names to immigration authorities.

It’s a tall order in Los Angeles County, which has long had a partnership with the federal government that allows for jail inmates to be turned over to immigration officials. The city is already criticized by immigration restriction advocates as being a so-called “sanctuary city” for its Special Order 40, which bars Los Angeles police from inquiring about immigration status.

Still, it’s indicative of Los Angeles’ Occupy movement. Since the beginning, Occupy protests in other cities (including in New York, where Occupy Wall Street got the ball rolling) have been accused of being too white, with little black or Latino participation despite these groups having been hit hardest by the economic crisis that spurred the protests in the first place.

This hasn’t been the case so much in California, though, where Latinos have been involved in the protests since the start, among them immigrant rights activists and supporters. While the protesters’ grievances continue to revolve around the role of banks and other corporate entities in the economic crisis, immigration has made its way onto the list. Earlier this month, Occupy protesters in Oakland embarked on a campaign to free Francisco “Pancho” Ramos-Stierle, a former graduate student who was placed on a deportation hold after his arrest during a rally. And on Saturday, about 300 Occupy San Francisco protesters held an immigrant rights march.

Other groups have held Occupy-related immigration protests as well, including an Occupy ICE group in San Diego organized by the local janitors’ union and an Occupy Birmingham protest today in Alabama, with protesters picketing an immigrant detention center.

Where it goes from there isn’t clear. The Occupy movement has been criticized for taking on too many grievances, though supporters argue that this doesn’t necessarily dilute its goals. The complete Los Angeles list of unaddressed grievances (listed under the bilingual heading “Para Todos Todo, Para Nosotros Nada: For Everyone, Everything, For Us, Nothing”) can be read here.

Next up: Whether the Occupy L.A. campers are evicted or not, there is an Occupy Ports protest planned for Dec. 12, timed to coincide with a planned economic boycott by immigrant advocates. Dec. 12 also happens to be the feast day of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

The chimichanga as symbol of a new Arizona?

Photo by Scorpions and Centaurs/Flickr (Creative Commons)

Oh Arizona, you give and give. The latest news with a Phoenix dateline involves not a recall election, a strict new bill or immigration sweeps, however, but the chimichanga. The New York Times reports that a Phoenix-based Mexican food chain is circulating a petition to make the deep-fried burrito the official state food.

It would be in interesting company among official state items. Among the other things Arizona has made state icons are the bolo tie as the official state neckwear, the saguaro blosson as the official state flower, and the Colt revolver as the official state gun.

Now for the good part:

Some state lawmakers see naming the chimi as the official food as a good way of helping Arizona refurbish its tattered image, while others argue that the state has more pressing priorities. Gov. Jan Brewer, who would be the one to sign a chimichanga bill if it cleared the Legislature, has told reporters that she enjoys chimis but has not declared whether she would be willing to immortalize them.

Chimichangas as an antidote to the legacy of SB 1070? Many have called last week’s recall election defeat of the trendsetting anti-illegal immigration bill’s sponsor, Sen. Russell Pearce, a milestone that has shifted the political tide in Arizona, with his successor calling for more lenient, less enforcement-heavy immigration reforms. Perhaps the timing is right for the chimi after all.

Of course, the chimi is no culinary immigrant. Its invention is claimed by two Arizona restaurants, Macayo’s Mexican Kitchen in Phoenix, which started the petition drive, and the El Charro Cafe in Tucson, said to be the oldest continuously operating Mexican restaurant in the country. While it has Mexican relatives, the chimi is likely as American as apple pie and Tex-Mex.

Wherever it was invented, the native-born greasebomb is clearly well-loved. The Times story even cites the recent case of a convicted murderer who, upon ordering his last meal on Arizona’s death row, requested a double cheeseburger and fries – and a chimichanga.

Latino immigrants may be reviving the Plains, but some want to roll up the welcome mat

A widely read New York Times story Sunday described how the predominantly Mexican immigrants who have settled in Kansas have been reviving some of the region’s dying towns, opening businesses and providing an influx of younger residents and workers to replace aging locals. But demographic change in the Great Plains “has not been uniformly welcomed,” the story read.

And as if on cue, now comes news of another potential state immigration crackdown. Kansas is the home state of Kris Kobach, its Secretary of State and the attorney-activist who wrote anti-illegal immigration bills such as Arizona’s SB 1070 and the even stricter state bill recently enacted Alabama, which has led to a farm labor crisis as immigrant workers leave the state. Earlier this week, the Lawrence Journal-World (and later the Huffington Post) reported on Kobach’s plans to push new immigration legislation in Kansas. From the LJW piece:

There will be legislation aimed at stopping illegal immigration in Kansas during the 2012 session, Kobach said.

“I think one of the reasons is that there is just so much demand for it from constituents,” he said.

Also, he said, an E-Verify bill that has failed in the past in the Kansas Legislature is more likely to gain acceptance because of a U.S. Supreme Court decision in May that upheld an Arizona law that requires employers use the E-Verify database system to check the immigration status of their workers.

These wouldn’t be the first proposed illegal immigration crackdown bills in the Plains state, which last year saw not only the E-Verify bill promising to punish employers who hire illegally, but a bill seeking to repeal in-state college tuition for undocumented students. Neither made it very far, though the Supreme Court decision on the Arizona E-Verify law could give legislators pushing it more leverage, as Kobach suggests.

Meanwhile, from the NYT’s weekend piece set in Ulysses, Kansas:

For generations, the story of the small rural town of the Great Plains, including the dusty tabletop landscape of western Kansas, has been one of exodus — of businesses closing, classrooms shrinking and, year after year, communities withering as fewer people arrive than leave and as fewer are born than are buried. That flight continues, but another demographic trend has breathed new life into the region.

Hispanics are arriving in numbers large enough to offset or even exceed the decline in the white population in many places. In the process, these new residents are reopening shuttered storefronts with Mexican groceries, filling the schools with children whose first language is Spanish and, for now at least, extending the lives of communities that seemed to be staggering toward the grave.

That demographic shift, seen in the findings of the 2010 census, has not been uniformly welcomed in places where steadiness and tradition are seen as central charms of rural life. Some longtime residents of Ulysses, where the population of 6,161 is now about half Hispanic, grumble over the cultural differences and say they feel like strangers in their hometown. But the alternative, community leaders warn, is unacceptable.

The story quoted one Ulysses resident, former mayor Thadd Kistler, who welcomes the new arrivals: “We’re either going to change or we’re going to die,” he said.

Encore: ‘The New American Reality’ (Video)

I’ve been attending the Latinos in Social Media (#LATISM) conference in Chicago, where during a panel this morning, I saw once more the moving Univision video titled “The New American Reality.” I posted the video several months ago, after first seeing it during the National Association of Hispanic Journalists convention in Orlando.

It’s just as good now as it was then, with simple lines and graphics that not only bring to life the census data on the growing Latino population in the U.S., but which describe the dual identity lived by children of immigrants a way that is spot-on. So here’s an encore.

One of my favorite lines: “I live at the intersection of my two cultures. I take from each what I choose.”

A new way of counting poverty finds Latinos to be the poorest Americans

The Pew Hispanic Center has interpreted the U.S. Census Bureau’s new alternative measure of poverty, which is intended to better reflect the cost of basic living expenses, along with the resources that people have to live on. Called the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), it uses additional factors to measure poverty than does the official federal measure.

Counted in are medical expenses, tax credits and government benefits such as food stamps, housing subsidies and school lunch programs, according to Pew’s report on the new numbers today. Geographic cost-of-living adjustments are also factored in.

The result? There are even more poor people in the U.S. than previously counted, and more of them are Latino, Asian, and foreign-born. Latinos make up the biggest group of the poor under the new measure, compared with black Americans, still the poorest as counted by the official measure.

The SPM figures released by the Census Bureau show a national poverty rate of 16 percent, higher than the official poverty rate, which is 15.2 percent. As for Latinos, the alternative measure shows 28.2 percent of Latinos living in poverty, compared with the official rate of 26.7 percent. The new data also shows substantially more poor Asians (16.7 percent versus 12.1 percent) and slightly more poor whites (11.1 percent versus 10.0). Black Americans fared better, with the alternative measure showing 25.4 percent living in poverty, compared with an official poverty rate of 27.5.

The alternative measure doesn’t replace the official one, but it does show that however the numbers crunched, a staggering number of Americans are living hand to mouth. Immigrants who have yet to become citizens are in particularly dire straits, with the data showing 32.4 percent of non-citizens living in poverty, versus 26.7 according to the official model. From the Pew report:

When the alternative measure is used, a greater share of Hispanics in 2010 lived in poverty than any other group. By contrast, when using the official poverty rate, a greater share of blacks in 2010 lived in poverty than Hispanics or any other group. Even so, no matter which measure is used, Hispanics make up nearly three-in-ten of the nation’s poor—28.6% under the official poverty measure and 28.7% under the SPM.

…The share of people born in the U.S. who are poor did not change significantly using the SPM in 2010, compared with the official measure, but the poverty rate for immigrants was higher— 25.5% versus 20.0%. For immigrants who are not U.S. citizens, the SPM poverty rate was 32.4% in 2010, while the official poverty rate was 26.7%. For naturalized citizens, the SPM poverty rate was 16.8% in 2010, compared with the official poverty rate of 11.4%.

The report notes that the Census Bureau data doesn’t explain why the poverty rates for Latinos and other ethnic groups change when the alternative measure is used. However, a footnote mentions that Latinos are less likely to have health insurance, thus spending more on out-of-pocket medical costs, and that many tend to live in parts of the country where housing is more expensive, such as California.